Paul Biya: The King of Cameroon

Paul Biya and the Biya Syndrome:

Disliked by The People, but Elected Every Election Cycle By the Same People Who Dislike Him

There’s substantial evidence and analysis by observers, scholars, and international organisations suggesting that President Paul Biya, who has ruled Cameroon since 1982, has maintained power through electoral manipulation, repression, and institutional control.

Paul Biya of Cameroon is the world’s oldest president. He has early-stage dementia, is frail, can barely walk, and spends most of his time outside Cameroon, living lavishly. He rules over 29 million people, some of the world’s poorest. He has been winning elections by over 90% for over twenty years, despite inflicting unprecedented poverty on his people. He imprisons, tortures, silences, or even murders critics. This year’s election, postponed at his will from last year, has finally taken place, meaning he was running without a mandate. We all saw the circus of this nonagenarian during the recently concluded election. Even Nigeria’s election, which has more electors than Cameroon’s population, is held on the same day. What is taking them this long to count a few million fictitious ballots?

Let’s look at the candidates, shall we?

Issa Tchiroma Bakary: 79 years old, not particularly young. He has been part of the government for ages, so it’s not the change Cameroonians expect. You see why Biya keeps winning? Because there isn’t a viable opposition.

Bello Bouba Maigari: 78 years old. He has been the prime minister and part of the government. He, too, is not the change anyone expects. Same old greedy people with zero innovation. He has helped Paul Biya win elections by securing the Northern Muslim votes.

Cabral Libii: A young man with some tempting ideas. He is a journalist and stands no chance.

Akere Muna: 73 years old, not ideally young, but a lawyer who has had no involvement with the government. In 2018, he withdrew his candidacy to boost Joshua Osih’s chances, as he was next on our list. Why can’t Cameroonians vote for people like this?

Joshua Osih: 56-year-old, from the Anglophone (English-speaking Cameroon). He is the head of SPD, an infamous party that allegedly won the 1992 presidential election, which his grandpa, Paul Biya, reportedly stole. The SPD is no longer a relevant party in Cameroon.

The other candidates are irrelevant, so there is no need to mention them. Now you see why Paul Biya keeps winning? There is no real opposition with the backing and grassroots support that Peter Obi has in Nigeria.

Paul Biya came to power in November 1982. At first, there was only one political party. His CPDM (Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement). Do you know what drives me up the wall? Dictators like to name their parties democratic. Do they even know the meaning of the word?

No country in the world has more ethnic groups than Cameroon on average. With barely 30 million people, Cameroon has over 270 ethnic groups. Paul Biya is from the Beti ethnic group. The Beti are a subgroup of the Fang, an indigenous people of Cameroon, Congo-Brazzaville, Equatorial Guinea, and Gabon. The country gained independence from France in 1960. However, the Anglophone region of the Southwest joined them in 1961. Before that, they were part of the Eastern region of Nigeria. They held a plebiscite in 1961, during which they voted to join Cameroon rather than remain with Nigeria. A plebiscite is a type of referendum in which the votes may not be free and fair. Let’s forget that and move on. You can Google for yourself if you want to know more.

Paul Biya’s ascension into office was almost whimsical. He was the Prime Minister, appointed by the country’s first president and dictator, Ahmadu Ahidjo. Ahidjo ruled under a one-party system until French doctors tricked him. Always the French and Francophone Africa, right? So, he was tricked into believing that he had a terminal illness and required urgent medical attention. He resigned and handed power to his Prime Minister, Paul Biya, only to find out later that he was well and sound. While in exile, he launched an unsuccessful coup in 1984 to overthrow Paul Biya.

Mr Biya’s grip on power was consolidated after that coup. He hand-picked every ministerial position, secured Cameroon’s wealth and squandered it dry. The country faced several economic crises and the devaluation of the CFA franc in the 1990s. In 1988, Cameroon’s GDP was higher than South Korea’s. Its citizens didn’t travel the world in search of greener pastures. The infrastructure in Cameroon has not changed since Biya came into office. He is arguably one of Africa’s worst presidents. He spends more time abroad than he does in Cameroon. The country’s agricultural sector, one of Cameroon’s primary sources of revenue, suffered from mismanagement and corruption. At one point, Cameroon even overtook its neighbour, Nigeria, as the world’s most corrupt country.

In 1992, Cameroon held its first multiparty election. SPD, headed by a charismatic Anglophone, John Ni Fru Ndi, drew grassroots support from both Francophones and Anglophones. This is often rare in Cameroon. He clearly won that election, but Biya manipulated the results to turn the election around. In fact, that result dragged on for a while until the Supreme Court finally declared incumbent Paul Biya the winner. Cameroonians were appalled. Even his wife, Irene Biya, was not happy with the situation. She threatened to go public, but her husband, Paul Biya, murdered her. Her body was never shown to the public, as it was clear that she was shot in the head. Irene Biya was such a lovely lady. I remember when she came to visit my hometown, we all rushed to see her. She had the demeanour of a very kind woman. This man, Paul Biya, even killed his wife because she dared oppose his rule. What makes you think he will ever give u his throne?

Anyway, let’s continue. The last hope for a democratic change was dashed. Paul Biya actually thought Cameroonians liked him. He let the election run freely, but the result shocked him. Since that election, he learned his lesson. All subsequent elections were manipulated from the get-go, and at times, he received over 90% of the votes. In the early 2000s, he proposed a two-term limit and increased the term from four years to seven. He must have thought 14 years was a very long time. As the 14th year neared, he changed the constitution to allow for an indefinite presidential term and won the election again by over 90% of the vote, in true Paul Biya’s style.

The Anglophone Cameroonians feel marginalised. Of Cameroon’s ten regions, two are Anglophone. The Southwest and Northwest regions were once provinces. They constitute about 20% of the country’s population. The Francophones, or French speakers, largely dominate the country. Paul Biya’s central government would appoint a French-speaking police chief, a French-speaking judge, and other French speakers into top positions in the English regions. This angered the Anglophone, which was one of the causes of the Amazonian uprising in 2017 that cost the lives of so many.

The election held in Cameroon was initially scheduled for last year. However, Paul Biya’s government suddenly postponed it to this year. What that meant was that he was running the country with no mandate. In Cameroon, people say what they think behind closed doors. The democracy of Cameroon makes Nigeria look like the US and Cameroon like Nigeria. With abundant natural resources and one of the highest literacy rates in sub-Saharan Africa, Cameroon has no business being poor.

Paul Biya must have early or probably late-stage dementia. Videos have surfaced showing him unaware of where he was. He sometimes forgets things or the people around him. He has offered to shake hands with the air. It’s unbelievable. The story would not be complete if this weren’t mentioned. His daughter, Brenda Biya, is a spoiled brat who has lived on Cameroonians’ money throughout. She became an open lesbian, even though her father passed a law criminalising homosexuality with a prison sentence of years and years behind bars. His daughter, like every other dictator, is the exception. She recently came out to tell Cameroonians not to vote for her father because they have cut her pocket money. Can you imagine? So, she only found out that her father was wrong for Cameroon when they fought and cut off her pocket money?

At 92, Paul Biya can barely walk. He has dementia, is frail and out of touch. He is barely in Cameroon and has squandered Cameroon’s wealth and wasted Cameroonians’ future. Until the late 1990s, you would scarcely see Cameroonians around the world as you do Nigerians. Mr Biya ruined that beautiful and peaceful country. So, do you think that Paul Biya, who killed his wife, stuck in office forever, will relinquish power through some fictitious electoral process? Change is not coming to Cameroon any time soon. Until the people fight back, even if everyone, in a glaring move, votes for another candidate, Mr Biya will still win the election with over 90%.

Africa! Africa! Africa! Black people! Black people! Black people! What is wrong with you? The average age in Cameroon is 18. This means that most Cameroonians have only ever known Paul Biya. He came to office when Cameroon’s population was 9 million. Today, that population is 29 million. So, almost everyone who was an adult when he came to power has been replaced through death, as the average lifespan in the country and most sub-Saharan African countries is between 55 and 65. Over 20 million Cameroonians — about 70% of the country — have only ever known Paul Biya. Most people in the country live on less than $2 per day. The infrastructure is one of the most underdeveloped, even by Africa’s standards. Yet this man still wants to keep the rollercoaster going.

Here are eight reasons why Paul Biya is unlikely to relinquish power:

1. Desire to Maintain Power and Immunity

After over 40 years in power, Biya and his inner circle have significant personal and political motivations to remain in office. Staying in power protects them from prosecution for corruption and human rights abuses. Losing an election could expose corrupt networks and decades of illicit wealth.

2. Control of State Institutions

Cameroon’s electoral body (ELECAM), judiciary, and security forces are widely regarded as subservient to the executive branch. Members of ELECAM are appointed by the president, making it difficult for the body to operate independently. The Constitutional Council, which validates election results, is also filled with Biya loyalists, meaning that appeals from the opposition rarely succeed.

3. Weak and Fragmented Opposition

Opposition parties in Cameroon are divided and often face intimidation. Key opposition figures risk arrest, restrictions on rallies, or media censorship. This fragmentation allows the ruling party (RDPC) to dominate elections and portray itself as the only stable option.

4. Manipulation of Electoral Rolls and Turnout

There are accusations of inflated voter rolls, ballot stuffing, vote buying, and ghost polling stations in Biya’s strongholds. In conflict regions, such as the Anglophone areas, many citizens are disenfranchised due to insecurity, which reduces opposition votes, while official tallies show improbably high support for Biya elsewhere.

5. Media Control and Limited Freedom of Expression

State media heavily favours Biya and the ruling party, providing minimal coverage to opposition candidates. Independent journalists face harassment, arrest, or censorship. With limited access to unbiased information, voters cannot make fully informed choices.

6. Fear of Instability

The regime often uses the idea of “stability” to justify electoral manipulation, arguing that Cameroon needs continuity to avoid chaos. Many citizens fear that sudden political change could worsen conflicts or trigger repression, which the government exploits to deter opposition movements.

7. Absence of Genuine Electoral Reform

Despite calls from civil society and international observers (including the EU and the African Union), electoral reforms have mostly been superficial. The 2008 constitutional amendment removed presidential term limits, allowing Biya to run indefinitely—a clear move towards institutionalising lifelong rule.

8. Patronage Networks and State Capture

Biya’s regime relies on a vast patronage system, distributing state positions, contracts, and resources to loyalists. These beneficiaries help sustain electoral manipulation in exchange for continued access to state wealth. In such systems, elections become rituals rather than genuine contests.

Watch the excerpt on Paul Biya’s grip on Cameroon: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fwT4E3FzgJw

By Ikechukwu ORJI